Galen's stories about his successes in predicting the development of an illness belong to the best-known anecdotes drawn from his writings. Brilliant pieces of self-presentation, they set Galen apart from his peers, who tried to cover up their ignorance by levelling accusations of magic and divination against their superior colleague. These accusations are usually interpreted as very real threats, as Roman law punished illicit magic and divination. Pointing out that Galen sometimes likes to present himself as a mantis and a (...) prophet, others have suggested that the accusations against Galen and his own self-presentation indicate that the border line between medicine and religion was still fluid. Both approaches correctly draw attention to the social reality that the accusations betray: they suggest that Galen belongs to a group of healers of dubious standing that populated the empire and thus show that medicine did not have a monopoly on healing. Yet such a socio-historical approach may not be sufficient. For one thing, both explanations have their limitations. Regarding the former, it can be said that Augustus' prohibition of divination aimed at controlling prediction about the emperor and one can doubt that a widespread clampdown of all forms of divination ever was intended. A possible objection to the second view is that throughout his oeuvre Galen emphasizes his medicine as a rational undertaking, even as a science . If one takes his self-presentation as a mantis to be more than metaphorical and to indicate the not yet fully crystallized identity of medicine as a separate scientific discipline, then Galen's usual way of understanding his own craft as a ‘science’ is in need of explanation. Besides such possible objections, a different set of questions still needs to be asked: why precisely were accusations of practising magic and divination levelled against Galen and why do they recur so frequently in his writings? Why divination and not, say, poisoning? (shrink)

Ancient philosophers had always been fascinated by religion. From the first century BC onwards the traditionally hostile attitude of Greek and Roman philosophy was abandoned in favour of the view that religion was a source of philosophical knowledge. This book studies that change, not from the usual perspective of the history of religion, but as part of the wider tendency of Post-Hellenistic philosophy to open up to external, non-philosophical sources of knowledge and authority. It situates two key themes, ancient wisdom (...) and cosmic hierarchy, in the context of Post-Hellenistic philosophy and traces their reconfigurations in contemporary literature and in the polemic between Jews, Christians and pagans. Overall, Post-Hellenistic philosophy displayed a relatively high degree of unity in its ideas on religion, which should not be reduced to a preparation for Neoplatonism. (shrink)

The term “pagan monotheism” was coined to describe monotheistic tendencies in Greco-Roman religion. Its usefulness has been strongly disputed on various grounds: for introducing a cognitive perspective on ancient religion, which was basically ritualistic; for implicitly taking Christianity as the norm by which to measure classical religion; and for confusing scholarly categories by classifying phenomena as monotheistic that are much better described as henotheistic. This article suggests that these arguments have been attempts to create a supposedly objective and universal scholarly (...) vocabulary, while that new vocabulary would serve to obscure the history and ideological origin of the concepts it promoted. Arguing for a reflective, hermeneutical approach that incorporates an awareness of the origin and charged meanings of our concepts into scholarship, the author proposes methodological pluralism as a way out of these unfruitful terminological debates. Each concept sheds light on some aspects of reality while obscuring others. In particular, the often-criticized ambiguity and fuzziness of the term “pagan monotheism” may help us to formulate questions that otherwise would remain marginal in studies of ancient religion. (shrink)

The term “pagan monotheism” was coined to describe monotheistic tendencies in Greco-Roman religion. Its usefulness has been strongly disputed on various grounds: for introducing a cognitive perspective on ancient religion, which was basically ritualistic; for implicitly taking Christianity as the norm by which to measure classical religion; and for confusing scholarly categories by classifying phenomena as monotheistic that are much better described as henotheistic. This article suggests that these arguments have been attempts to create a supposedly objective and universal scholarly (...) vocabulary, while that new vocabulary would serve to obscure the history and ideological origin of the concepts it promoted. Arguing for a reflective, hermeneutical approach that incorporates an awareness of the origin and charged meanings of our concepts into scholarship, the author proposes methodological pluralism as a way out of these unfruitful terminological debates. Each concept sheds light on some aspects of reality while obscuring others. In particular, the often-criticized ambiguity and fuzziness of the term “pagan monotheism” may help us to formulate questions that otherwise would remain marginal in studies of ancient religion. (shrink)

À partir de la fin du cinquième siècle, on rencontre parfois des références à une histoire ecclésiastique de Gélase, évêque de Césarée (367-avant septembre 400) et neveu de Cyrille de Jérusalem (348-387). On a beaucoup spéculé sur le caractère et l'étendue de cet ouvrage, mais depuis les travaux de F. Winkelmann un consensus s'est établi: Gélase fut le successeur immédiat d'Eusèbe de Césarée et son histoire ecclésiastique, des persécutions de Dioclétien jusqu'à son propre temps, fut la source principale des historiens (...) postérieurs de l'église, Rufin, Socrate, Sozomène, Théodoret et Gélase de Cyzique, et de nombreuses vies hagiographiques. Bien qu'il existe encore des discussions sur le point de chute de l'histoire (la mort de Valens en 378 ou celle de Théodose I en 395) et sur son caractère (un ouvrage indépendant ou une continuation, dans le même manuscrit, de l'histoire ecclésiastique d'Eusèbe de Césarée), on ne doute plus de l'originalité de Gélase de Césarée. En effet, selon cette théorie Gélase fut à l'origine d'importantes traditions comme la trouvaille de la vraie croix par Hélène, ou la conversion des Éthiopiens et des Géorgiens. Désireux de connaître la version originelle de Gélase, des savants ont investi beaucoup d'énergie dans la reconstruction minutieuse de son texte perdu, surtout sur la base des ouvrages de Rufin, Socrate et Gélase de Cyzique. (shrink)

À partir de la fin du cinquième siècle, on rencontre parfois des références à une histoire ecclésiastique de Gélase, évêque de Césarée (367-avant septembre 400) et neveu de Cyrille de Jérusalem (348-387). On a beaucoup spéculé sur le caractère et l'étendue de cet ouvrage, mais depuis les travaux de F. Winkelmann un consensus s'est établi: Gélase fut le successeur immédiat d'Eusèbe de Césarée et son histoire ecclésiastique, des persécutions de Dioclétien jusqu'à son propre temps, fut la source principale des historiens (...) postérieurs de l'église, Rufin, Socrate, Sozomène, Théodoret et Gélase de Cyzique, et de nombreuses vies hagiographiques. Bien qu'il existe encore des discussions sur le point de chute de l'histoire (la mort de Valens en 378 ou celle de Théodose I en 395) et sur son caractère (un ouvrage indépendant ou une continuation, dans le même manuscrit, de l'histoire ecclésiastique d'Eusèbe de Césarée), on ne doute plus de l'originalité de Gélase de Césarée. En effet, selon cette théorie Gélase fut à l'origine d'importantes traditions comme la trouvaille de la vraie croix par Hélène, ou la conversion des Éthiopiens et des Géorgiens. Désireux de connaître la version originelle de Gélase, des savants ont investi beaucoup d'énergie dans la reconstruction minutieuse de son texte perdu, surtout sur la base des ouvrages de Rufin, Socrate et Gélase de Cyzique. (shrink)

Prompted by the recent publication of two conflicting editions of John of Antioch, this paper raises two methodological issues. First, it is pointed out that both editions are unsatisfactory because they fail to apply the methodology tried and tested by F. Jacoby in his Fragmente der griechischen Historiker. No distinction is made between collecting fragments and reconstructing the work, nor is the Minimalbestand of fragments presented in a clear and unambiguous way to the reader. Second, the paper suggests that the (...) discussion is vitiated by a lack of reflection on the basic notions with which the research is conducted. In particular, the question is raised if it is in every case possible to identify the original text as composed by its author and it is suggested that the concept of 'living text', indicating that a text could be adapted and changed by successive readers and copyists, should also be extended to early Byzantine historiography. In other words, the quest for the 'original' John of Antioch may be ultimately doomed to fail. (shrink)

A thirteenth-century manuscript attributes a short fragment of a speech Pros Basilea to the fourth-century orator Themistius. Its editors argue that the piece is authentic and was addressed to Theodosius I. In fact, style and vocabulary, geographical references, and the way the divinity of the emperor is highlighted, strongly argue against its authenticity. The fragment must be dated much later than the fourth century: this article suggests a date in the reign of Justinian.